General Musharraf has learned one thing from Ayub Khan: do not fight unnecessary wars with India. However, everyone falls into different ditches and General Musharraf is no exception. It is very difficult to identify what ditch he will stumble into As we witness the way in which different industrial mafias in Pakistan are profiteering by creating shortages I am reminded of General Ayub Khan’s later days in power. The parallels do not end here. Even General Pervez Musharraf’s meetings with the “influential” and “electables” from the four corners of the country are reminiscent of the formation of Convention Muslim League. While Ayub Khan told a public gathering that “if I was a dictator would I come to ask you — ‘do takkay key log’ — for your votes”, General Musharraf warns that he will “sort out” those lowly people. Ayub Khan’s rule was seen as a golden period of Pakistan’s history. There was industrial and economic growth and industrial development along with, as Habib Jalib put it “Bees gharanay hain abad aur krooron nashad, Sadar Ayub zindabad (twenty families are prospering while millions are unhappy. Long live Ayub Khan).” In retrospect, Ayub Khan appears to be better than his successors. However, by creating and establishing the Convention Muslim League, he scuttled the political evolution of Pakistan. General Musharraf is following a similar script. The old drink of Basic Democracies is being sold in “local government” bottles, acquired from Landa Bazaar. Just like Ayub Khan, the president’s tenure is being extended, by hook or by crook. The only difference is that Ayub Khan had a group of intellectuals and ideologists around him — some of whom later formed Pakistan People’s Party — while General Musharraf has the Chaudhrys of Gujrat and Sargodha along with Mushahid Hussain and Sheikh Rashid. One of them carved out a political career for himself by using dirty language against the Bhutto family and the other can tell you to “kaddo krakay” (denting) of his opponents. Ayub Khan made politicians illegal by banning them while Musharraf got rid of them by forcing them into exile. Just like Ayub Khan, General Musharraf has been building his Convention League (called Muslim League-Q) by orchestrating breakaway factions of every other party of significance. Is it any wonder then that nowadays his face reflects the glare of a politician’s make up? The Chaudhry brothers are doing their part by bringing “electables”, from all parts of the country, to the king’s court. Like an experienced butcher, the king evaluates the quantity and quality of the meat and allocates ministries and lands (or other perks) accordingly. The Chaudhry brothers sing the Q-anthem of re-electing General Musharraf for the welfare of the country at the conclusion of every session of the imperial court. This process had been going on for some time but now it has become a daily “mundwa” (folk theatre). By 1967 General Ayub Khan had gotten rid of all his political opponents. He had defeated Quaid-i-Azam’s sister, Fatima Jinnah, despite Maulana Maudoodi’s support to her — the only time the Jamaat backed a woman in politics. Therefore, when Ayub Khan was celebrating his 10th anniversary in power, there was a dreadful political silence in the country. There was hollow laughter or the Council Muslim League’s hypocritical moaning. Habab Jalib, Maulana Abdul Hamid Bhashani and Maulana Ghous Bakksh Hazarvi’s voices were no more than murmurs from a far-off land. General Musharraf has successfully created a similar political silence or he is close to achieving it. In 1967, Ayub Khan never anticipated or feared 1968-1969. For General Musharraf, a commando, expressing apprehension for the coming year would go against his training. And, General Musharraf does not stoop that low! In Ayub Khan’s “nautanki” (street theatre), actors and actresses had no clue that he had debunked himself in the 1965 adventure against India. The economic growth of his period lay buried in the Kashmir valley and his fate had been sealed in Tashkent. His government was running on empty — probably on the momentum of earlier high speed. Ayub Khan’s imperial soul had already flown to another fabled parrot (Bhutto). In short, it took four years to announce Ayub Khan’s political death that had occurred in 1965. General Musharraf has learned one thing from Ayub Khan: do not fight unnecessary wars with India. However, everyone falls into different ditches and General Musharraf is no exception. It is very difficult to identify what ditch he will stumble into but it seems that he, like Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, has fallen in the Balochistan pothole. Ayub Khan’s “dhol sepahis” (dear soldiers) never lost the war on Pakistan’s radio and TV and General Musharraf’s enlightened generals are doing very well, buying lands in Gwadar and elsewhere. Nevertheless, there is a strange feeling in the air. A dreadful political silence is descending upon the country and it seems as General Musharraf’s soul will fly to an unknown fabled parrot. Ayub Khan kept rolling on empty because there was no one to apply the brakes. As soon as the Pakistan People’s Party and the Awami League filled the gap, Ayub Khan’s one horse shay collapsed. Political forces, capable of applying the brakes to Musharraf’s auto, which is rolling on empty, have not emerged. Only the hypocritical sobbing of the PPP and PML-N fill the air. Habib Jalib has not finished writing the eulogy of 20,000 families and Maulana Ghous Bakhsh Hazarvi is still mum due to his colleagues’ greed and follies. And, a Bhutto is yet to be born! However, 1968 was just 12 months ahead of 1967; 2007 is also just that far from 2006.