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Friday, March 03, 2006
Zafar Ahsan
The federal authorities have often invoked national sentiments and Muslim
brotherhood to counter the demands for provincial autonomy and political
rights, even though it was stated by Mr. Jinnah that only three subjects
comprising defence, foreign affairs and currency will remain with the
Central government and the rest of the powers will lie in the hands of the
provinces. The 1973 Constitution also endorses the decentralization of
powers and defines the role of the federal government, but still all
federating units, except Punjab, are being controlled by the highly
centralized state mechanism, on a colonial pattern. Highly centralized state
systems have failed, or run into serious trouble almost everywhere in the
world and the circumstances now emphasise decentralization of authority and
power. There are many countries in the world which had emerged stronger by
adopting this principle. Pakistan's federal authorities also have to
recognize the political rights and honour of its distinct entities, as
demands for provincial autonomy are gaining momentum.
Pakistan's 58-year history is full of intra-state conflicts while the
non-existence of democracy and political rights has disrupted the entire
structure of the state. There is significant popular support for autonomy in
the smaller provinces but unfortunately the civil and military bureaucracy
tend to portray it as separatist movements. In fact, the great majority of
people in the smaller provinces wish to remain Pakistani, even as they give
importance to their ethnic and regional identities, but again only if
Islamabad's policies let them do so. Whenever people have raised voice for
provincial autonomy or regional identity, the ruling elite declared them
dissidents, whether they were political activists or leaders like Sheikh
Mujeeb, Ghaffar Khan, Wali Khan, Ataullah Mengal, Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo,
Khair Bakhsh Marri and G.M. Syed. All these personalities are termed as
anti-state elements. Here the civil and military bureaucracy dealt with the
issue by projecting a monolithic Pakistani nationalism with a strong
emphasis on a centralized system, whereas the federating units are compelled
to surrender their autonomy in the name of religion and national unity.
The military was always reluctant to loosen its grip on the political
system. It plays a crucial role in manoeuvring of political processes,
either from behind the screen or through direct intervention. Undoubtedly
someone else is drawing the outlines of the Pakistani governmental set-up,
but the military rulers often use religion and national prestige as a tool
for legitimising their illicit role. For instance, General Yahya Khan's
military regime invoked Islamic ideology to defuse the Awami League's demand
for provincial autonomy. It used the slogan that Pakistan was formed on the
basis of Islamic ideology, therefore the demand for autonomy is a negation
of Islamic teachings. The regime also provided weapons to the hardcore
militants of Islamic parties, especially the Jamaat-i-Islami, to deal with
the Awami League activists after March 1971, and we all know what has come
out of the bag.
The military regime of General Ziaul Haq invoked Islam to legitimise his
rule and wanted the cooperation of the religio-political parties to counter
opposition. The military regime sponsored religious orthodoxy and militancy
and the state machinery was used to project a distorted view of religion. He
also tried to keep himself in power through Islamization of the country's
educational, legal and administrative systems. General Zia used to keep his
political opponents in prison or send them into exile for long periods of
time. He was the mastermind behind the organization of an ethnic group from
the urban centres of lower Sindh.
The current military ruler, General Musharraf blames the foreign hand for
unrest in Balochistan. However he did not use religion as a tool for
self-projection because the preferences of the global powers have now
changed. The state has launched military operations in various part of the
country but is not ready to provide space for political processes. It seems
that the state has failed to resolve issues through political means. The
colonial attitude of the federal authorities is a contributing factor to the
crisis situation that prevails in Balochistan. The entire province is
gripped with violence while aircraft and armoury are being used against
civilians. The Balochistan issue is not only confined to three tribal
chieftains but is linked with the denial of autonomy to the province.
The government is hostile towards three tribal chiefs of the province for
their alleged anti-development role but the situation of a majority of the
people, who live under the jurisdiction of pro-government sardars, remains
as miserable as that of the nationalists. It is stated that General
Musharraf has announced a handsome package for Balochistan but the situation
is not very encouraging. China is building Gwadar port but the federal
government did not seek local consent before making the deal with the
Chinese. Not a single penny is allocated for development in Kohlu, however,
some funds are earmarked for the establishment of a cantonment there and Rs.
450 million for a road to a gas-well. From the lack of clean drinking water
to other amenities of life, everything is missing in the region and again
the Baloch tribal elders are being accused for such deprivation. The
resentment against the federation is growing because the Centre does not
have respect for the decisions of provincial legislatures. The Balochistan
Assembly passed a unanimous resolution against the construction of
cantonments on September 23, 2003 but the President went to Kohlu on
December 14, 2005, for inauguration of a cantonment. Similarly, the Sindh
Assembly approved a declaration, it became a part of Pakistan and when the
same Assembly was passing resolutions against Greater Thal Canal and
Kalabagh Dam, Islamabad was not ready to pay attention to their concerns.
The authorities are trying to portray a picture that India is promoting the
insurgency in Balochistan but the fact is that the Baloch movement is
totally home-grown, provoked by political frustration, fuelled by
Islamabad's decades of indifference. Such movements take birth everywhere
due to sheer inequalities and it is time the federal authorities should
learn a lesson from the separation of East Pakistan.
The secret of Pakistan's strength is concealed in provincial autonomy.
Islamabad should relocate all powers to the provinces except those which
come in the exclusive domain of the federation. Autonomy of all the
federating units is required for the sake of ensuring peace, prosperity and
national integrity.
The writer is a freelance columnist
Source:
http://www.thepost.com.pk/OpinionNews.aspx?dtlid=27609&catid=11
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