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26.08.2003
By Dr. Naseer Dashti
All three states, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran where Baloch are living
are de facto multi-national states; nevertheless, they are reluctant to
give equal rights to their ethnic or national minorities. The idea of a
multicultural, multilingual state seems unnatural and impractical to many
contemporary territorial states in Asia and Africa which were carved by
colonialist powers and are being ruled by the elite of a majority
nationality. In many Asian and African countries several rivaling
nationalisms may exist within one “nation-state”; usually, one of them
is dominant and may refer to the others as "ethnic", "secessionist”, or
even "tribal". The authorities in the host countries indicated that they
did not acknowledge nationalist tendencies among Baloch as legitimate; the
only relevant national unit was here defined as the state nationality of
Pakistani or Persian or Afghan.
The present Iran is the continuation of Qajar Dynasty established in 1794.
The Qajar were replaced by Pahlavi Dynasty in 1925. In 1979 the ayatollahs
seized the power. Afghanistan seceded from Iran before the Qajar and
Pahlavi, nevertheless, a part of Balochistan now called Iranian or Western
remained under Persian hegemony. The occupation of Baloch territory by the
Persians was legalized through the treaty reached between Persian and
British Empires in 1873. The agreed boundaries between the two empires
dividing Balochistan is known as Goldsmid Line. In 1935, the name Fars was
officially changed to Iran. Iran is a state that has been riddled with
continuous internal tension and deep differences amongst its
nationalities. It is a precarious state, periodically dictatorial, which
had been on the verge of collapse several times. Ethnicity has officially
been declared a non-issue in Iran. This official blindness stems from the
narrow Persian Shia/nationalist view that religion is a more objective and
more authentic vessel of social identity than ethnicity or nationality,
which was officially seen as an expression of false consciousness. Ethnic
identity was seen as politically irrelevant, and partly for this reason,
the use of various languages and the practice of different religions were
not tolerated in Iran. Despite the false beliefs of the Iranian
establishment that the Shia identity would eventually supersede the
national identities based on ethnic membership, ethnic identity remained
strong in most parts of the country throughout these years.
Baloch in Iran are mainly concentrated in south east and north eastern
regions adjacent to other Baloch populated areas in Afghanistan and
Pakistan. The Baloch have inhabited a well-defined territory for
centuries. They enjoyed periods of autonomy and their own tribal
confederacy such as the Khanate of Kalat, but attempts at forming a Baloch
independent and united state failed.
The Baloch under Persian rule for a long period have been facing
systematic repression and discrimination. Baloch associations, schools,
publications, religious, cultural or political organizations and teaching
institutions are being steadily targeted by state power, thus removing all
public vestiges of a separate Baloch identity. The Persians view, Balochi
language as a Persian dialect which does need no separate treatment.
Baloch have been marginalized in all walks of state institutions. They
could not be found in armed forces, administrative hierarchy, in foreign
ministries, in judiciary and other policy making bodies of the state.
Although relation between Persian Empire and Baloch were marked by
sporadic armed conflicts erupted throughout the period of occupation, the
last organized battles were fought in 1928 resulting in the defeat of
Baloch forces under Mir Dost Mohamed and the collapse of last Baloch
principality in Western Balochistan. Despite occasional uprisings, many of
them violent and explicitly with nationalist overtures, the Baloch
national question in Iran remain an unresolved problem -- for the Baloch
as well as for the Persian nation-state.
The ever-present and ubiquitous will of Baloch people for the overthrow of
Persian yoke acquired new dimension in 1970s. This was the peak years for
the waves of national liberation and socialism. The victories of the
people in Indochina and Africa over colonialism were the enlightening
factors for oppressed peoples all over the world and right of self
determination were considered to be the basic right of suppressed
nationalities. A short lived nationalist Government in Pakistani
Balochistan in 1973 gave the necessary moral boost to the small but
flourishing nationalist movement in Western Balochistan. The other
encouraging factor was the weakening grip of Pahlavi dynasty and the
eminent collapse of the monarchy. The Baloch were optimistic that the new
Persian rulers might concede some sort of autonomy to Balochistan and
rectify some past brutalities on Baloch people. But these proved to be
only wishful thinking. In practical terms the oppressive
integration-policies of Qajar and Pahlavi dynasties were maintained and
vigorously pursued by the ayatollahs. Many Baloch political activist were
killed, imprisoned and tortured by Islamic guards and thousands escaped to
other parts of world giving a walkover for the ayatollahs in Balochistan.
In their zeal to establish a superfluous Persian identity for the empire,
the policy of assimilation-and-integration prevalent between 1925 and 1979
was continued which was aimed to achieve strict uniformity in social,
political and religious thoughts and approaches. The Iranian authorities
believe that there was to be one nation with one language, namely Persian.
Other Iranian languages spoken within the borders of Iran were regarded as
local dialects of Persian. In the matters of integration and suppression
of minority nationalities the empire of ayatollahs had been pursuing the
same policies and similar methods of atrocities. Balochi language had been
a symbol of Baloch identity throughout; therefore the worries of Iranian
nationalists in various dynasties compelled them to impose restrictions
and tried to limit the development of Balochi language. The processes of
integration into nation-state have been a strongest lever in putting high
pressures on Baloch to assimilate into a superfluous religio-nationalist
Persian identity. Baloch relationship with the nation-states to which they
are subjected by the whims of history, remains antagonistic throughout and
they have been endeavoring to formulate strategies of resistance to
challenge cultural, political, economical and linguistic hegemony of
Persian Empire whether it was the Shah or the ayatollahs.
In the circumstances, when there is a lack of accommodation between state
ideology and social reality especially in multinational states ruled
predominantly by the majority nationality, the state has three main
options. First, it may insist on the assimilation of minorities such as
that they should be compelled through various means to shed their
exclusive group identity and language and replace it with a wider state
identity and language. Such policies of assimilation had been implemented
by many states and had inflicted great political and social sufferings and
loss of dignity on the part of the minorities. The second option for the
nation-state can be described as domination by depriving the minorities of
equal political, social and economic rights. The third option for the
state is to adopt an ideology of multiculturalism, where citizenship does
not have to imply a particular cultural identity having equal rights and
opportunities in state affairs.
The reaction of a minority on the face of overwhelming state pressure to
assimilate or accept the hegemony of the ruling cultural group may reflect
itself in three ways which are Alfred Hirschman’s famous options of
"exit, voice or loyalty”. The option of loyalty is to assimilate.
Historically, in this way many ethnic groups have disappeared from the
face of the earth. The second option for a national minority in a
territorial state in a bid to co-exist peacefully is to negotiate for
limited autonomy in linguistic, religious or local political matters. The
last option available for minorities is to exit which consists in a
rejection of the dominant nationalism and the existing nation-state, and a
consequent attempt to set up their own state. This is the kind of
situation that we face in many European, African and Asian countries and
where in most cases armed conflicts between ethnic groups are going on or
are very imminent.
The Baloch are facing similar situation in Iran and elsewhere in the
neighboring countries. They are resisting domination and cultural and
political hegemony of dominant nationalities. They are still a long way
off any recompilation with their host countries. In Iran three options
available for the Baloch. Firstly, they may opt to assimilate and become
Farsi or Farsi-ban, or Gajar as the Baloch call them; secondly, they may
continue to fight for a nation-state of their own and thirdly they may try
to influence the Persian state to grant them political and cultural
self-determination in their region.
The Baloch are not unmindful of the fact that Iran, Pakistan and
Afghanistan in the years to come will further consolidate their hold on
the Baloch land. The ruling majority in these countries will never give
any self-rule to the Baloch or recognize their genuine rights or withdraw
of its own accord from the Baloch territory. For the Baloch in Iran it is
always suicidal to bank or rely on the reasonableness or equanimity of the
Iranian authorities. They have very bitter experiences with the Gajar.
History has sufficiently warned against such error in judgment. By all
calculations, it is out of question that the Persians could be convinced
to grant Baloch any autonomy with out a serious and sustained struggle. It
is alien to Iranian sense of nationalism and religious inflexibility to
agree to any kind of political harmony which may show any weakness on the
part of the Iranian government or give any impression even implicitly that
any part of the erstwhile great Persian empire of the Cyrus the great is
conceding before the determined wishes of the Baloch people. It is against
the Shiite Psyche. On the other hand, it is also not in Baloch genetic
code to surrender its identity and its land and resources under duress, it
is unthinkable for a Baloch to be assimilated in the wider Persian
identity. In the circumstances of last many decades the ability of the
Baloch national sentiments in Pakistan and Iran to survive extraordinary
state repression are unprecedented. Therefore, the only option left for
the Baloch in Iran is to struggle for a nation-state stressing on the UN
principle of right of self-determination. The first sentence of Part I
Article 1 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights proclaimed by the United Nations states that: "All peoples have the
right of self-determination." Self-determination guarantees that the
rulers must come from the people ruled. The Baloch demands for self-rule
constitute a democratic pursuit that is incompatible with the despotism
and religious-based nationalism of Shiite Iran.
Majority of the Baloch intellectuals and writers and conscious leadership
are not convinced of the deceitful excuse that the Baloch landmass is
rugged and is not capable to sustain a viable country. It is also not
convincing that actual phase for the struggle for national rights is put
off because Baloch have not achieved an adequate level of preparation and
organization. Many believe that the Baloch should use this important
opportunity arose in the political and strategic scenario of this region
as a result of the terrorist attack in America to realize their
centuries-old dream and accomplish the tasks with all their strength
regardless of certain subjective inadequacies in the people and the
leadership. Even if in the present stage, full independence is not
possible, as a political aim the emphasis has to be put on it. Any form of
transitory or limited power should not be accepted. Baloch in Iran should
out rightly reject the idea for a struggle with the attitude as to reduce
it for a demonstration for economic demands, as a reaction to repression
without laying emphasis on the national and historical aspects of the
Baloch national issue.
New dimensions are being witnessed in international affairs since the fall
of Soviet Union. The West’s overwhelming threat perception from Islamic
militancy and resurgence are developing some sort of hope among the
oppressed nationalities in Islamic and fundamentalist states. If only 50%
percent policy statements from western official circles are to be taken
seriously then it is obvious that in near future the situation in some of
the countries where Baloch are living will be drastically changed. There
will definitely be political, strategic as well geographical changes in
the region. Iran has been portrayed by the West as the bastion of
international terrorist activities and centre of militant Islam. The
destruction, demilitarization or weakening of Persian state institutions
and military apparatus is among the prime objectives of western alliance.
This situation is a god given opportunity for the Baloch in Iran. The
question is not whether the western actions against Iran are justified or
the west is a natural ally of Baloch but the cardinal questions arise
which are; is not this goes in Baloch favor if the Persian military
machine is destroyed? Whether siding with the forces which are against
fundamentalism, tyranny and national hegemony (at least for the time
being) goes against Baloch national interests? In the fight for national
emancipation assistance from any quarter must be sought and welcome
regardless of this assistance coming from right or left, east or west, god
or devil.
Although, the oppressive forms of homogenization and integration have been
painful for Baloch in Iran, the state efforts did not succeed in every
respect. Baloch identity and nationalism has a strong emotional appeal and
an equally strong politically mobilizing potential. It is the empirical
fact that collectivities of people who define themselves as Baloch are
culturally distinctive from Persians and see their distinctiveness as
being threatened from the outside -- largely from the homogenizing and
discriminatory practices of the Persians -- and that they have the right
to react in a variety of ways against such a perceived threat. Baloch have
been resisting and they resisted because they were aware of the fact that
in failing to resist the exigencies of the Persian state, the outcome of
painful integration and acculturation would have been the loss of their
sacred land, traditions and cultural values. In response to the prolonged
efforts based on ethnocide of Baloch nation in Iran, a strong ideological
and political revitalization current in recent decades has been building
up in Iran as well as in Diaspora. Although there are by now many highly
educated Baloch and thousands of refugees in Western Europe and in the
Gulf, the organizational infrastructure required for the Baloch cause to
be politically effective within the Persian nation-state is largely
absent. Factionalism and lack of internal organization are typical
problems.
Recently, the threat of imminent extinction has been reflected in to
political action by exiled Baloch in the formation of Baloch United Front
of Iran with some of the following main objectives. “The united front is
committed to Peaceful and political struggle to achieve the rights of
Baloch people in an autonomous Balochistan within a free and democratic
Iran. It will strive for the creation of a democratic and decentralized
political system in Iran. It will strive to build unity and brotherhood
among all Baloch political organizations. It will reject all kinds of
discrimination, prejudice, injustice and inequalities among the
constituent nationalities of Iran. It will struggle for the separation of
religion and state. It will work for exposing the discriminatory, bigoted,
repressive and tyrannical policies of the Islamic regime against the
Baloch people, especially the policy of ethnic cleansing and turning the
young Baloch into addicts by flooding the underworld market with
incredibly cheap hard drugs such as heroin, opium, and morphine. It will
join hands with other Iranian co-patriots to fight against despotism,
dictatorship and to build a free, democratic and prosperous Iran with a
decentralized system of governance”.
The formation of Balochistan United Front of Iran is a welcome sign. But
it is imperative to understand the ground realities of international
polity. Baloch are not living in the romantic age of 20th century. It is
high time to endeavor for radical changes in Baloch polity; in other
words, there should not be any wavering, the Baloch masses must be given a
clear target whether it is insistence on right of self determination or
maximum autonomy within the Persian state. Secondly, in the fight against
repression, the friends and foes should be clearly identified and
announced boldly. Thirdly, it should be clearly and loudly declared that
Baloch are on the side of the international forces fighting against
religious fundamentalism and terrorism. It is highly imperative for the
Baloch to walk on the ground and work with the given geo-strategic
situation of the new world. Fourthly, it should be made clear in every
Baloch mind that by siding with the enemies of Persian state they lose
nothing except what they have lost earlier. The defeat of a people is not
always brought about by the superiority of the adversary in strength but
through incorrect leadership and pursuit of unfounded policy. The
unfolding reality of the day is that continuation of present state of
hopelessness and helplessness among Baloch nationalist cadre is affecting
the moral of Baloch masses and they are only heading for a fresh
capitulation from both the highest and lower level. They should take this
fact into serious consideration in order to avert the danger of
self-defeat.
Baloch can be mentioned as a typical "proto-nation"; an ethnic group
possessing all of the characteristics of a nation except their own state.
The United Front should be of the conviction that both political and
economic powers are inalienable rights of the people of Balochistan. Its
mission therefore should be to contribute to the task of total political
and economic liberation of Balochistan. The Baloch United Front of Iranian
nationalists should struggle against the opportunist ideas, which justify
capitulation. It is the proper time that present generation of Iranian
Baloch should discover its mission; it should be the moral duty of every
Baloch to exploit the prevailing international situation in the favor of
Baloch nationalism and to fulfill the mission of emancipation from foreign
hegemony. In this regard the people in Diaspora should take the leading
role.
Source:
http://www.balochunity.org
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