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The Nationalities Issue in Iran and the
Prospects for Democracy-Abdulla Mohtadi
Friday, June 02, 2006
KurdishMedia.com - By Abdulla Mohtadi
Abdullah Mohtadi is the Secretary General of the Komala Party of Iranian
Kurdistan, one of the major Kurdish political movements in Iranian
Kurdistan. The following speech was delivered by Mr. Mohtadi at the “Road to
Democracy: Full Political and Human Rights in Iran” conference, which
occurred on 30 May at the Russell Office Building of the US Senate in
Washington, DC.
Iran is a vast country comprised of a wide range of nationalities and
cultures. The main nationalities in Iran, namely Azeris, Kurds, Arabs,
Baluchis, and Turkmens, each have their own unique language and culture and
make up over 50% of the population in the country. In that sense, they are
not minorities despite being usually referred to as such. In our view, the
acceptance of pluralism in Iran without acknowledging this diversity and
incorporating the various nationalities into the governance of the country
is meaningless. By the same token, institutionalizing democracy and bringing
stability to Iran is impossible without a resolution of the nationalities
issue. That is why we, the nationalities of Iran, have gathered together in
the Congress of Nationalities for a Federal Iran. The Congress of
Nationalities supports the removal of the Islamic Republic to create a
secular, democratic, and federal Iran.
In Iran, the Kurds make up about 10 million of the population and mainly
reside in four provinces in western and northwestern Iran. With a long
history of fighting for their liberation, Kurds have been at the forefront
of struggle against the Islamic regime now for more than a quarter of a
century. But Kurds are not alone any more. We are witnessing a new wave of
national awakening and a deep dissatisfaction among all of the nationalities
in Iran. The Kurdish uprising in the last summer, the Arab demonstrations in
Ahwaz last year, and, most recently, the unrest in Baluchistan and the
widespread demonstrations among Azeris in the past few weeks are some of the
examples of this dissatisfaction and a sign of what we should expect in the
future.
The Islamic regime, as always, tries to tarnish these deep rooted demands
and protests by claiming that they are provoked or even invented by foreign
forces. This, in turn, has been used as a justification for repression of
those movements by any means possible including massive military operations
and the arrest, torture, and execution of dissidents. But the root of these
movements lies simply in the denial of economic, political, and cultural
rights of those nationalities. In this sense, if Iran is to be a democratic
country, it has to have decentralized and federal government.
One criticism against federalism is that it could lead to the disintegration
of Iran. Quite the opposite is true. Understanding and acknowledging the
nationalities issue and trying to find a democratic solution for it is not
and can never be a threat to the integrity of Iran. What threatens Iran with
disintegration is the denial of the existence of nationalities and thus the
denial of their rights. It is the policy of discrimination and repression
that causes frustration and diminishes the desire for coexistence, whereas
forming a democratic system based on mutual respect, power sharing, and
inclusion bridges the differences between various ethnic groups, gives them
a valuable stake in their country and government, and consolidates unity and
solidarity among all Iranians irrespective of their of language, race,
ethnic origin, religion and political beliefs. And that is exactly what we,
as Kurds and as the Congress of Nationalities, are advocating – a
democratic, federal Iran where the rights of different nationalities are
attended to. This is the only way to keep Iran united and democratic at the
same time. In addition, the Iraq experience and the role the Kurds have been
playing in preserving Iraq’s unity is a good example of how baseless this
criticism is.
What gives the nationalities issue a greater importance is, in my belief,
the role that they can play in the overall democratic movement in Iran. To
give you an example, let me point to the role the Kurds and Kurdish movement
has played in Iran in the last quarter of a century. Kurdistan was the only
part of Iran that remained secular during and after the revolution of
1978-79. While Iran became a haven for Ayatollahs, Kurdistan stood against
them. While women in the rest of Iran were forced to go under the thick
black veil, women in Kurdistan were finding their place in political and
social life. In Tehran, mullahs were closing one newspaper after another.
However, at the same time, Kurdistan was the hotspot of free media in the
region. While the political, social, and cultural organizations and groups
were getting dissolved and banned by the new Islamic regime, groups
belonging to women, students, teachers, and workers were flourishing in
Kurdistan. Kurdistan was the only region in Iran where the great majority
voted against the establishment of the Islamic Republic in the so-called
referendum of spring 1979. This was true for the whole period when Kurds ran
their territory. When the regime attacked Kurdistan with full force, those
gains were the main reason for mass resistance against the military assault
there.
The point that I want to make is that Kurdish movement is a democratic and
secular movement and it will stay that way. This is the case with other
national movements in Iran. As the movement to end the religious
dictatorship is gaining momentum, the Congress of Nationalities for a
Federal Iran, as it states in its constitution, strives to instill a true
democracy in which all civic rights are fully respected, equality for women
and freedom of press, expression, religion, and belief is honored, and a
friendly relationship with the neighbors and the world is maintained.
Unfortunately, the significance of the nationalities and their role in
bringing about democracy in Iran is not fully understood and is indeed
neglected. One of our objectives in this gathering is to raise awareness
about this important issue.
We, the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, believe that the Islamic regime
in Iran supports national and international terrorism, fans Islamic
fundamentalism, and has a deep desire to develop atomic weapons to spread
its dictatorship to other nations in the region and wipe out any democratic
movement in the Middle East. But the great majority of Iranians are deeply
resentful of the regime and want to change it. What is lacking in this
process is a strong united opposition that can lead the Iranians in getting
rid of dictatorship and achieving democracy, pluralism, human rights,
economic prosperity, and civic justice.
That is why we, the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, have put a tremendous
amount of effort to create a united front in Kurdistan which we think
strengthens the democratic movement in Kurdistan as well as in the whole of
Iran. At the same time, we are for a broad democratic coalition of Iranian
opposition groups. We believe that the Congress of Nationalities can be a
major participant in this umbrella coalition.
To create this united opposition, two issues need to be addressed, or
perhaps it is better to say that two obstacles need to be overcome, both of
which are results of the policies of the Iranian regime. One is the baseless
paranoia of Iran’s disintegration in the event of democratic change, and the
other is the false assumption that the Islamic regime’s nuclear program is a
matter of national pride for Iranians. The Iranian regime is using both of
these issues to justify its policies and consolidate its grip to power. I
have already spoken about the first issue and explained how a democratic
solution for nationalities can in fact contribute to the unity of the
country. Regarding the second issue, I should say that an atomic Islamic
regime in Iran is not only a threat to the stability of the region but also
a tool of division to keep the opposition in disarray. The opposition needs
to realize that gaining atomic technology emboldens the regime to further
pursue its ambition of regional dominance as well as an intensification of
the regime’s internal repression against its own people. The genuine reason
for the national pride of Iranians, I believe, is a free, democratic and
prosperous Iran where the human dignity of its people and the human rights
of everybody are fully respected.
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